Wednesday, December 10, 2008

State Repression and the Establishment of Capitalism

By Simon Davies, SOTT.net

We ended last week saying that "we find ourselves today much as those hapless English found themselves centuries ago; we have been disenfranchised; we are having our "land" in the form of homes, jobs, security, income and inheritance taken from us even as you read this; and we have lost our rights to privacy and to protection from wrongful arrest and imprisonment. We face forces arrayed against us as formidable as any known in history; forces that are preparing, just as those who have come before, to use every tool of repression available to keep us subservient, to keep us ignorant, divided and confused, thereby ensuring our political and economic impotence."

If we are to find a way through the webs of deceit that surround and ensnare us we need to go back to the history of resistance against despotism and tyranny. Despotism and tyranny might sound a little strange if you find yourself reading this seated comfortably in a warm and comfortable home with money in your bank, but if you are not so fortunate you will have an inkling of the appropriateness of these terms. Of course those that have the greatest understanding of despotism and tyranny are those that cannot read this essay because they are illiterate, uneducated, too poor or all of the above. Of course, there are also the many thousands who have been imprisoned without trial, often in our name.

There is an expression that we don't appreciate something until we have lost it. This is particularly true with respect to equality and liberty; the loss of which is initially painless for most people as we have seen these last seven years. The keenness of this loss can however be better felt if we have an appreciation of how hard fought the struggle to gain each aspect of our lost freedoms was. With this in mind let's continue our look back at the making of modern day England.

Due Process

We come across the phrase "due process of law" for the first time in the Magna Carta of Edward III in 1354 chapter 29 which states:-
No man of what state or condition he be, shall be put out of his lands or tenements nor taken, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without he be brought to answer by due process of law.
A remarkably clear piece of law that established that a man must have done something for which he is required to answer and that the answering be by "due process of law" before he can lose that which he has - his freedoms [1]. When we consider the history of Enclosure and the resulting hardships and deprivations of the ordinary people of England we must ask ourselves what happened to this key chapter of Magna Carta, the one that states clearly that to lose what was taken during Enclosure a man must be "brought to answer by due process of law"? Remarkably it has survived, along with just two other chapters, the bulk of Magna Carta having been repealed in various Acts of Parliament in 1863 [2], 1897 [3], 1925 [4], 1948 [5], 1967 [6] and 1969 [7].

Magna Carta was a great law of freedom that provides for certain rights to freedom and equal treatment "to be kept in our Kingdom of England forever" [8] yet this law has all but disappeared. We also find through the very act of Enclosure, that the fundamental tenet of one of its three remaining chapters (clauses) has been cast aside, for it is very doubtful that Magna Carta meant that a man could be deprived of his inheritance, lands or tenements, by the simple process of writing new law, the means by which Enclosure was legitimised.

This single example points to the fact that the ruling elites of England have used Parliament as a fig leaf to go about doing whatever they please. They pass laws through the Parliamentary process as if that process were legitimate, have those laws enforced through extreme violence and murder because "they are the law of the land" yet all the while they are in flagrant breach of far older laws themselves, not to mention morality. The same is true in the US and many other democratic nations.

The Petition of Rights

Men and women have struggled against the yoke of abuse and oppression, despotism and tyranny for great periods of history. In 1607 a revolt broke out in the English Midlands against the enclosure of common land, the protesters used no violence and simply uprooted hedges and filled ditches. The traditional means of dealing with unrest and crime was to call up the people of an area in pursuit of a felon or to call the local militia to arms in the event of a military need. Neither of these forces heeded the call up so the local landowners and their servants took up arms and attacked the protesters killing forty to fifty. The leaders were hanged and quartered. This was typical of the treatment meted out to the ordinary people by the ruling elite.

When it came to the ruling elite not being happy with the status quo matters were handled somewhat differently. In 1626 Charles I introduced two taxes without going through parliament, he also began billeting soldiers in civilian homes, a practice akin to forcing modern citizens to house police officers and agents of the government in our homes today. The burden of these taxes and forced billeting fell upon the landed and mercantile classes. Five Knights refused to pay, were imprisoned by the king but not charged. The king was served writs of Habeas Corpus, refused to answer them properly arguing that royal prerogative overrode Habeas Corpus. The Five Knights argued that they had a right to "due process". The king won, keeping the Five Knights imprisoned.

The House of Commons, not wishing to be seen to challenge the Royal Prerogative, responded with the Petition of Rights in 1628 which it was argued were a restatement of existing rights while in fact being a list of grievances against the king and a significant expansion of the recognised rights of men. The king eventually signed the Petition, which gave it legal effect, only after secretly agreeing with senior judges that it would not damage his prerogative; he signed because he had no intention of honouring the Petition! In other words, George W. Bush did not invent "signing statements"!

The Petition of Rights was the landowners and merchants means to prevent taxation without Parliament's consent, prevent forced loans (effectively another form of taxation), protect themselves from arbitrary arrest and imprisonment in contravention of Magna Carta, ensure "due process", protect them from arbitrary interference of property rights, ensure enforcement of Habeas Corpus and stop the forced billeting of troops and the use of martial law. The Petition is considered to be the origin of the Third Amendment to the US Constitution which reads, "No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law".

It is sobering to observe the similarity between the demands of the Petition of Rights of 1628 and the simple wishes for justice and equality of billions on the planet today. It seems that whoever is in power grants unto themselves power equivalent to Royal Prerogative, absolute powers, while loudly proclaiming otherwise, thus bearing witness to the truth of the expression that "power corrupts while absolute power corrupts absolutely".

John Lilburne

The similarities with today are striking in other regards, most notably the control of the media. In our time the control is through ownership, in the 17th century it was through the licensing of printing presses and their publications and the taxation of newspapers. In 1638 John Lilburne was arrested for distributing unlicensed religious pamphlets, he was brought before the Court of Star Chamber where he was not charged with an offense but instead told to plead; he refused, he said, until charges were brought against him and the law on which those charges were based was shown him in English. He was flogged, pilloried and imprisoned but remained resolute. His stand against King Charles and the Court of the Star Chamber is cited as the basis for the Fifth Amendment to the US Constitution which reads:-

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
John Lilburne was also cited in Miranda vs Arizona 1966, the case that established the Miranda Rights and the Miranda warning that has to be read to any person arrested in the US. The ruling states:

...The person in custody must, prior to interrogation, be clearly informed that he or she has the right to remain silent, and that anything the person says may be used against that person in court; the person must be clearly informed that he or she has the right to consult with an attorney and to have that attorney present during questioning, and that, if he or she is indigent, an attorney will be provided at no cost to represent him or her.
John Lilburne fought for the Parliamentarians in the First Civil War, was captured by the Royalists in 1642 and later released in exchange for a Royalist officer. In 1645 he was imprisoned for denouncing Members of Parliament who lived in comfort while the common soldiers fought and died for the Parliamentary cause; he was freed on petition of two thousand leading London citizens; he resigned from the army the same year as he refused to sign the Solemn League and Covenant which restricted religion in the Army to Presbyterianism on the basis that it infringed his freedom of religion. He was imprisoned again in 1646 for denouncing his former commanding officer, the Earl of Manchester, as a Royalist sympathizer; the campaign to release him spawned the Levellers movement.

Lilburne and the Levelers were highly influential among the soldiers of the New Model Army, the Parliamentary army. The Civil War was essentially a war between Catholicism and Protestantism and between Royalist and Parliamentarians. The soldiers of the New Model Army were strongly Protestant but were also mindful of their own rights and were without doubt fighting as much if not more for these than for religion. The attitude of the Levellers was simple, the ordinary man was fighting, dying and suffering in pursuit of the freedom of Parliament from royal supremacy and had every expectation that he would gain equal freedoms in victory.

An Agreement of the People

The Army Council of the New Model Army provided the forum for the soldiers to put their views before their commanding officers via representatives called Agitators. Under the influence of Leveller ideas the soldiers appointed new Agitators in 1647, who were inherently distrustful of the King and demanded that England be settled from 'the bottom up' rather than the 'top down' by giving the vote to most adult males. Their views and demands were set out in An Agreement of the People("An Agreement of the People for a firm and present peace upon grounds of common right",) presented to the Army Council in October 1647. It called for the redrawing of electoral boroughs so that each borough had roughly the same number of voters; elections to take place biennially with parliament to sit between April and September of each of the two years of its term; that the power of the House of Commons was inferior to the power of the people, and that the House of Commons could have power over the creation and repeal of laws, "the erecting and abolishing of offices and courts, the appointing, removing, and calling to account magistrates and officers of all degrees, the making war and peace, [and] treating with foreign States"; freedom of religion; freedom from conscription; equality before the law and that "as the laws ought to be equal, so they must be good, and not evidently destructive to the safety and well-being of the people". It is important to be aware that even in these highly religious times the chief draftsman of the Agreement, John Wildman, believed that the Bible provided no model or guidance for civil government; a position that contrasts with the brazenly religious tones of many in Washington and London today and in the recent past.

The republican and democratic nature of An Agreement of the People was strongly resisted by the senior officers of the army who had already agreed another less radical document, The Heads of the Proposals which they hoped the king would accede to. The first part of the Proposals deal with parliament but critically omit the supremacy of the people over parliament, equality before the law and justice of the law while granting essentially 'police powers' to those of parliament; the remaining parts accrue additional powers to parliament including the Cromwellian agenda for the suppression of Ireland.

The Agreement of the People sought genuine freedom for all people while the Head of the Proposals sought power for a select group, the landowners and merchants who made up the House of Commons and its limited electorate. These documents were debated for two weeks after which there were to be three meetings between the various camps. Despite the assurances of good faith given at the debates Cromwell and Fairfax, the army commanders, had no intention of acceding to the pressure of the soldiery so imposed the Heads of Proposals on the army. Those that refused were arrested while one of their leaders was executed. Under threat of being dismissed the army agreed to the Heads of Proposals.

Ten months later in September 1648 the Levellers largest petition, signed by one third of all Londoners and many others, To The Right Honovrable The Commons Of England was presented to Parliament. The funeral of a leading Leveller and member of the House of Commons in October became a substantial Leveller demonstration demonstrating widespread support for their ideas.

A modified version of the Agreement of the People of 1647 was presented to the House of Commons on 20th January 1649; on 30th January King Charles was tried and executed; in February the senior officers of the army banned the petitioning of Parliament by soldiers; in March five Levellers were cashiered from the army after demanding the restoration of the right to petition; in April three hundred infantrymen refused to serve in Ireland until the programme of An Agreement of the People had been implemented, they were dismissed from the army; the same month soldiers in London made similar demands, fifteen were arrested and court martialled of whom one, a former Leveller agitator was hanged.

At his burial a thousand men, in files, preceded the corpse, which was adorned with bunches of rosemary dipped in blood; on each side rode three trumpeters, and behind was led the trooper's horse, covered with mourning; some thousands of men and women followed with black and green ribbons on their heads and breasts, and were received at the grave by a numerous crowd of the inhabitants of London and Westminster.[9]
In May 1649 soldiers in Banbury rose in mutiny over pay and politics. The pay issue was quickly resolved by Cromwell but not the politics; four hundred men with Leveler sympathies, under the command of Captain William Thompson marched to meet other soldiers to discuss their demands, they were assured safe conduct but were ambushed at night by Cromwell. Captain Thompson was killed a few days later and three of the leaders of the mutineers executed; thus removing the influence of the Levellers from the army.

Lilburne continued to write against the injustice and hypocrisy he saw around him. In the following years he was imprisoned, tried, acquitted twice and exiled. In the end he remained in prison under orders from Cromwell until his death in 1657. By the time of his death he had rejected the hypocrisy and narrowness of Puritanism becoming a Quaker.

One of Lilburne's fellow Levellers, William Walwyn had this to say on the eve of the Second Civil War. It speaks truth directly to power, a truth which is as relevant today as it was 360 years ago.
In all undertakings, which may occasion war or bloodshed, men have great need to be sure that their cause be right, both in respect of themselves and others: for if they kill men themselves, or cause others to kill, without a just cause, and upon the extremest necessity, they not only disturb the peace of men, and families, and bring misery and poverty upon a Nation, but are indeed absolute murderers.
In 1649 another group, the Diggers, one of a number of non-conformist groups active at the time, began planting vegetables on common land. The local landowner, who had enclosed substantial areas of common land, tried to get the army to evict them; the army refused on the basis the Diggers were doing no harm. The landowner then hired thugs to attack the Diggers, beat them and burn one of their houses down; he brought them to court in a case in which no defense was allowed and for which a trumped up conviction was obtained. The Digger communities across the country faced similar harassment often being subject to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment. Under the unrelenting pressure familiar to all those who seek to camp on common land in England to this day, the movement had died out by 1651.

The great 'crime' of the Diggers was that they had an idea that if "the common people of England would form themselves into self-supporting communes, there would be no place in such a society for the ruling classes. The ruling elite would be forced to join the communes or starve, as there would no longer be anyone left to hire to work their fields or pay rent to them for use of their property." [10]

A pattern emerges

A clear pattern can be discerned throughout the events chronicled. The Levellers were not a marginal group of crackpots but a rationale and reasoned political body who espoused ideals of equality and freedom. Their history illustrates that those in power never relinquish it without a fight. The methods and weapons that the incumbent power of the 1640s wielded had at their core much of what we see throughout history and up until the present day:-

The will of the people is irrelevant; only being recognised as an expediency to buy time.

▪ The enacting of arbitrary law to suit their momentary and long term needs. The laws of the land are designed not as a means of ensuring a just and equitable society but as a means of ensuring the status quo and protecting the ruling elite of the time.

▪ The application of the law is arbitrary and brutal. The excuse of the potential or imagined "violence of the mob" is used to justify the real and extreme violence of the state.

▪ Widespread use of cruel and inhuman punishment - although not unusual in the literal sense.

▪ The Courts are bound to apply the law but the judiciary, being of the same class at the ruling elite, apply unjust, inequitable and immoral laws as if they were just, equitable and moral.

▪ They will negotiate and draw moderate and reasonable people into discussion while having no intention of acceding to any of their demands. The process of negotiation allows them to identify the most eloquent and able leaders of the people and those most able to be manipulated. The debates and discussions are always designed to lead nowhere with any agreement being reneged upon as soon as the immediate threat that caused negotiations to commence has passed. The capable leaders of the people having been identified are imprisoned, executed or murdered when the opportunity arises. Those that can be manipulated are used as agents, often to promote violence while also often being imprisoned or executed in order to spread fear among the resisters.

▪ Once the leaders are out of the way and an example has been made of a handful of those that protest then under threat the bulk of people buckle. The threat is however often one that would be impossible to fulfill or be self-defeating of those in power if only protesters realised. In the Cromwellian case if all the soldiers had refused to sign The Heads of Proposals the army could never have cashiered them all for then there would be no army left.
In the end it is the use, and threatened use, of extreme violence that is the hallmark of those that seek to remain in power. While seeking power they portray themselves as the champion of the ordinary people but once in power, often on the blood and suffering of the ordinary people, they turn on their foot soldiers and behave in this time-honoured pattern. Nothing has changed although the methods have become more refined.

But, as V said in the film V for Vendetta, ideas are bullet proof, you can't kill an idea. The Levellers pioneered the basic ideas of political democracy and sovereignty of the people; the Agitators pioneered the participation of workers in the running of the workplace; and the Diggers pioneered communal ownership, cooperation and egalitarianism; the underpinnings of modern democratic socialism.

Cromwell died in 1659. The monarchy was restored in 1660 and with it a new wave of religious intolerance. The Church of England was to be dominant with a swath of laws enacted to enforce this dominance. Amid the waves of tyranny thought and ideas circulated and found fertile ground; for it seems that true suffering creates the fire in which truth becomes of paramount importance and all other petty considerations burn up in the flames.

The Bill of Rights

From this cauldron came the Habeas Corpus Act 1679 and the 1689 Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights stipulated the basic rights of all men in England, the ones of particular relevance today are:-

Freedom from royal interference with the law. Though the sovereign remains the fount of justice, he or she cannot unilaterally establish new courts or act as a judge. The actions of George Bush and other political leaders of the present in the establishment of the kangaroo courts for terrorism stand in contrast to this concept

Freedom from taxation by Royal Prerogative. The agreement of parliament became necessary for the implementation of any new taxes. This is the basis of no taxation without representation.

▪ Freedom to petition the monarch.

Freedom from the standing army during a time of peace. The agreement of parliament became necessary before the army could be moved against the populace when not at war. This right has been trampled by subsequent Acts of Parliament such that the army is now able to be brought out to break strikes and whenever it is deemed by the Home Secretary that the police cannot deal with civil unrest. The brutal occupation of Northern Ireland by the British Army is the most extreme example of the negation of this right. This right of protection is also reflected in the US Posse Comitatus Act 1878

Freedom for Protestants to bear arms for their own defence, as suitable to their class and as allowed by law. This right is reflected in the Second Amendment of the US Constitution - "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed."

Freedom to elect members of parliament without interference from the sovereign. The basis of free and fair elections - a concept that is increasingly a hollow joke in numerous 'democracies'.

Freedom of speech in parliament. This means that the proceedings of parliament can not be questioned in a court of law or any other body outside of parliament itself; this forms the basis of modern parliamentary privilege. This freedom also extended to the freedom from all harassment in parliament. It has been decisively trampled by the current Labour government in the UK with the recent police raid on the parliamentary offices of Damien Green. Mr Green having been involved in the leaking of information the UK government didn't want to people to know.

Freedom from cruel and unusual punishment, as well as excessive bail. This right is repeated almost verbatim in the Eighth Amendment to the US Constitution which states, "Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted." Similarly, "cruel, inhuman or degrading punishments" are banned under Article 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Freedom from fine and forfeiture without a trial. The enclosure of land in England breached this right almost immediately upon its enactment. This is also the basis for the Fifth Amendment to the US Constitution which states, "No person shall be ... deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ..." and the Fourteenth Amendment "nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ..."
Also in 1689 John Locke published, anonymously, his Two Treatises of Government which is considered to have been highly influential in the framing of the US Declaration of Independence, Constitution and Bill of Rights.

We can perceive the line of inheritance of ideas of equality and freedom from the suffering of the 17th century, ideas that became law and constitution for both the British and Americans as well as peoples of the British Empire. Britain, having no singular constitution, relies upon a bed of enacted law and common law instead. The underlying premise of the British system is the separation of powers between the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. A similar but constitutional system exists (in theory) in the US. History makes it clear how crucial it is to maintain a true separation, for without it tyranny quickly rises. This essential separation has been lost in our time both in the US and in Britain.

The 17th century ideas and laws of freedom and equality seem to have been quickly forgotten in England. As we discussed last week, Enclosure increased apace, legitimised through Acts of Parliament yet wholly illegal when the previous laws of England are considered together, especially Magna Carta, the Petition of Rights and the Bill of Rights. Denial of "due process" was key to the theft.

America

However, in America these ideas took root and ultimately bore fruit in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. The rights of men were considered to be natural rights, from Locke amongst others, and therefore not subject to the will of men. Central among these rights is the right of revolution. The Declaration of Independence begins:-

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. - That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, - That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security."
The ethical and moral nature of the Declaration of Independence stands as a shining example of the potential of ordinary people to organise for themselves representative and just government and the basis that such government can either be maintained, or overthrown, should the need ultimately arise.

There are however more sober lessons to be gleaned from events following the Revolutionary War. As Laura Knight Jadczyk put it:-
Contrary to popular conceptions and teachings, the American Revolution did not create the American nation as we know it today. The Articles of Confederation actually bound thirteen new nations, each theoretically sovereign in its own right, into a loose confederacy. The Continental Congress could legislate but not enforce. However, the effects of the Revolution had been financially disastrous to everyone. The national and state debts went unpaid (monies owed to the wealthy elite who had financed the war - and for those who wonder, yes, some were Jews and some were not, so don't go off on the Jews on this one!), trade declined and credit collapsed.

Left to their own devices, the New Americans would have eventually sorted these problems out based upon emerging priorities and systems involving barter and mutually satisfying personal agreements. A real Democracy might have flourished, though it wouldn't have been necessarily Capitalistic.

Tradition teaches us that a group of "noble patriots" called a Constitutional Convention to "further the principles of democracy", as spelled out in the Declaration of Independence. Again, nothing could be further from the truth.

The Constitution actually checked the development of democracy.

In some of the states, a moratorium on debt was enacted to relieve the farmers who had fought in the war. But, in the largest and wealthiest states, the planters of Virginia, the manor lords of New York, and the merchants of Massachusetts and Connecticut, refused to give an inch. Massachusetts went so far as to prohibit barter and mutual support schemes to which the impoverished returning soldiers had been forced to resort. Daniel Shay, a Revolutionary captain who had been cited for bravery at Bunker Hill, had come out of the war, as had many others, with nothing. (General Lafayette had presented him with a sword which he was soon forced to sell.) Seeing so many others like himself, he was filled with the injustice of the actions of the wealthy elite. He organized a force of 800 farmers and attempted to prevent the sitting of the courts which were foreclosing the properties of the returning soldiers. Shay's army was dispersed by the state militia but his action thoroughly frightened the upper classes. Samuel Adams begged Congress for federal aid to protect "property rights" and Congress authorized a force designed to prevent any further rebellion. General Henry Knox wrote:

"The people who are the insurgents have never paid any, or but very little taxes -- But they see the weakness of government'... They feel at once their own poverty, compared with the opulent, and their own force, and they are determined to make use of the latter, in order to remedy the former. Their creed is 'That the property of the United States has been protected from the confiscations of Britain by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property of all. And he that attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from the face of the earth.' In a word they are determined to annihilate all debts public and private and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by means of unfunded paper money which shall be a tender in all cases whatsoever."

Now notice what the good general was saying: he tells us that the PEOPLE of the new land wanted - demanded - that the property of the United States be "the common property of all."

That sounds a bit "Socialistic," doesn't it. Can you believe it? Our forefathers demanded a Socialist government! I don't know about you, but I have half a dozen Revolutionary War soldiers (or more) in my family tree, and it surprised me to learn that my ancestors were demanding Socialism, especially when we all know - or have been told - that Socialism is that evil first step toward Communism; and we all know how evil Communism is, right? Well, we'll come back to this. For now, let me just comment that the "insurgents" may have paid very little taxes, but they paid much blood. (It is also interesting to note that Knox referred to the New Americans as "insurgents." Isn't this word being used pejoratively against those Iraqis who are opposing the US invasion of their country at the present time? My, my!

Nevertheless, seized with fear that a democracy would actually be enacted, the wealthy classes murmured for a government by "the rich, well-born, and capable." (John Adams) Ezra Stiles and Noah Webster were vocal opponents of democracy. Webster claimed that:

"The very principle of admitting everybody to the right of suffrage prostrates the wealth of individuals to the rapaciousness of a merciless gang."

They were well and truly indoctrinated by Calvin, weren't they? And being such good "Christians," it is surprising that they never noted (or at least didn't want to notice) that funny little remark in the New Testament about the "Jesus People" sharing one with another and that they owned "everything in common."

In any event, taking advantage of the situation, Alexander Hamilton induced Congress to call a convention in 1787 to ostensibly revise the Articles of Confederation. Hamilton made no bones about his views that only the wealthy and educated were fit to rule.

"It is usually stated that Hamilton's great achievement was to bring the men of wealth to the support of the new nation, but it could equally well be stated that he brought the new nation to the support of the men of wealth. Indeed it might be said that the new nation was created largely for that very purpose."

Those who met for the Constitutional Convention were, and knew they were, the elite -- wealthy, educated and intellectual. They believed that others like them must continue to rule for their own protection. The public good was a secondary issue (if it was an issue at all). They meant to create a system in which this could be perpetuated, constitutionally, legally, and peacefully.

Adopting strictest rules of secrecy, they proceeded to create the American Constitution. M.L. Wilson wrote in Democracy Has Roots, that the Constitution was "a remarkable achievement in the avoidance of majority rule." It is not surprising that the ratification of this Constitution was popularly opposed. The conventioners promised to amend it at the first regular session of Congress. These promised amendments came to be known as the "Bill of Rights" and it is in these first ten amendments that Americans have their supposed "Constitutional Rights." A sobering thought when one considers that amendments have been repealed in the past.

But for the "Bill of Rights," hundreds of years of blood-letting for personal liberty would have been tossed on the trash heap by the new American Federal Government. This new "Constitutional" government, rapidly propagated the ideals of materialism and capitalism. And, in a process of unadulterated propaganda, these ideals have been inextricably linked with "democracy" as though the two were identical. The result of this has been a vast chasm between the "haves" and the "have-nots" which grows wider and deeper every day, while the former continue to dupe the latter into believing in and sacrificing their lives for that which does not exist and never did.
Thus the money power of capitalism gained a principle foothold in the new nation.

The Police

By the early 19th century the conditions in the towns and cities of Britain were deplorable. Prior to 1829 there was no police force to maintain law and order throughout the country, the system established under the Statute of Winchester, 1285, and the Justices of the Peace Act, 1361, only began to breakdown with the advent of industrial capitalism. Prior to 1361, every town and hamlet was responsible for maintaining the Kings Peace under threat of fine; each town appointing as 'constable' one of its members to be responsible for its collective obligation. In the event of the constable needing assistance everybody was obliged to assist.

The Justices of the Peace Act, 1361, formalized the appointment of Justices of the Peace (or magistrates) by the King, thus relegating the elected constables to mere subordination of the Kings agents. The magistrates were responsible for law and order, were the judicial and administrative authority for their area and were responsible for keeping the peace. With the rise of mercantile capitalism their authority spread to dealing with vagrants and paupers and with the regulation of wages and working hours. The explosion of poverty occasioned by Enclosure and the Industrial Revolution led to rising crime. The response of the ruling elite was predictably repressive. They doubled the number of offenses liable to capital punishment; resorted to using the standing army against the ordinary people; increasingly used the militia and yeomanry (equivalent of the UK Territorial Army or the US National Guard) against the people and started paying blood money to informers. The middle classes formed voluntary protection societies. Many of these actions were flagrantly in violation of the Bill of Rights.

It wasn't until Patrick Colquhoun's ports and river police force of 1798 was legalised in 1800 that a formal police structure was established at which time the magistrates controlling the police became answerable to the Home Secretary (the equivalent of the Secretary of State in the US). The formation of this police force is important for our history for it was motivated to protect the business interests of the merchants using the port of London and it resulted in the change from workers being paid in kind to being paid a money wage. "From the very outset, therefore, there was nothing impartial about the police. They were created to preserve a colonial merchant and an industrial [capitalist] class the collective product of West Indies slavery and London wage labour"[12].

Luddism

With the emergence of Luddism in 1811 the working class were taking their first tentative steps to organizing themselves against the growing industrial capitalism. The Luddites, contrary to popular myth, a myth no doubt propagandised to denigrate their memory and credibility, were not opposed to the new technology of the textile mills. They were textile artisans who opposed the breaking of traditional working practices by the textile mill owners. The new wide frame automated looms could be operated by cheap unskilled labour so the mill owners drove down wages and hired unapprenticed labour. Naturally, faced with poverty, unemployment and the removal of their traditional skilled status, especially at a time of severe economic depression, the skilled artisans were desperate. There being no legal recourse for them the only avenue available was the one they took, the destruction of the machines and the mills that were taking away their livelihood.

The propagandised history of the Luddites fails to mention that they targeted only those mills and mill owners who broke with the old practices and cut prices, those that did not were not attacked. [13]

The movement spread rapidly across the country in 1811 and 1812. As should be familiar to us by now, the reaction of the government was to introduce new repressive law, this time in the form of the Frame Breaking Act 1812 which made frame breaking a capital offense. It is worthy of note that Lord Byron opposed the Act in the House of Lords on the basis that the Luddites were justified in their grievances and that negotiation and just settlement were the better route to restoring the men to work and the country to peace. Unsurprisingly, he was unsuccessful in his opposition for negotiation and justice were (and remain) foreign words to the ears of those afflicted with the ancient diseases of greed, avarice and power. To the mill owners and merchants it was entirely logical for them to use the full power at their disposal, ignore the grievances of those they exploited, and call upon the military and hired thugs to prevent recourse by their victims.

It is at this point that another method of ruling elites comes to the fore, the use of spies and agent provocateurs. The mill owners' thugs and the military were responsible for the deaths of many Luddite protesters while magistrates were clearly intent upon using the Frame Breaking Act to set examples and thereby dissuade protesters from further action. To justify, in the public mind, the use of extreme violence the authorities needed to portray the protesters not as men with legitimate grievances who only acted against property but as a violent mob. John Taylor writing in 1819 described the fact that at a meeting in 1812 ten or eleven of the forty attendees were spies employed by Colonel Fletcher, a Manchester magistrate. Two weeks after this meeting a violent attack upon a factory took place. Taylor is clear in his conclusion that the presence of so many spies was in order to direct the actions towards the resulting violence rather than in seeking intelligence so as to prevent the attack. Twelve men were arrested for taking part in the attack of which four, including twelve year old Abraham Charlston, were executed.

Further executions, including eight in Lancashire and fifteen in York, together with numerous sentences of transportation to Australia broke the back of the Luddite movement which ceased to be active after 1813.

Despite the level of brutality used by the state against those who opposed industrial capitalism ordinary people kept rising against their oppressors, a mark of just how desperate they must have been and a sobering reminder to us all of the price to be paid in opposing free market capitalism today.

In June 1817 workers in Pentrich rebelled unsuccessfully, twenty three being sentenced to transportation and three hanged and beheaded. 1819 saw the Peterloo Massacre, which we discussed last week, in which 11 to 15 people died and over 600 were wounded.

1830 saw rural uprisings, the Swing Riots, across England. The demands of the protesters were a rise in wages, a cut in tithes/taxes and the destruction/removal of the threshing machines that were forcing labourers into unemployment and poverty. Warnings were given to landowners, magistrates and parsons after which, if the demands were not met, workers would assemble and destroy tithe barns, threshing machines and workhouses. Many farmers and magistrates sympathised with the grievances of the protesters so put up little resistance. The government, had different views, responding with familiar brutality, hanging nine protestors and transporting 450 while in 1834 changing the Poor Laws under the Poor Law Amendment Act to make conditions for the rural poor even worse by the mandatory limiting of relief to the workhouse. Needless to add, agreements for increased wages and lower tithes were widely reneged upon.

The uprisings of the ordinary people are always referred to, even today, as "riots", the facts however speak for themselves. These were ordinary people who were time and time again driven to desperation. In our own time, with greater economic woes lapping at our doorsteps, we would be wise to learn the lessons of history, particularly the methods of the ruling elite including their mendacity and treachery.

We should also be cognisant of the observation of G Rude in Paris and London in the 18th Century (1970):-
From my (no doubt) incomplete and imperfect record of the twenty-odd major riots and disturbances taking place in Britain between the Edinburgh Porteous Riots on 1736 and the great Chartist demonstration of April 1848 in London, I have totted up the following score: the crowd killed a dozen at most; while, on the other side, the courts hanged 118 and 630 were shot dead by troops.
The actions of ordinary people are generally directed at the property of the ruling elite while the reactions of the ruling elite are directed at the person. When considered under the light of morality the immorality of the actions of the ruling elite through history beggars belief.

Ian MacDonald, in Race Today, Dec 1973 summarised the ruling elite's masterful next move; a move necessitated by the fact that it was becoming readily apparent that the continued use of the outright brutality of the army would not guarantee a stable society in the long term.

Once the [working] class begins to organise, begins to agitate, begins to demonstrate, you need a force which has all the appearance of independence, which cannot be seen to be visibly taking sides in the class struggle, but which is merely there to enforce the law. The genius of the British ruling class is that they realised the need to have such a force and set about creating it.
It took until 1870 to realise the idea such that the police could be relied upon to deal with crime and public order through Britain. Today, the Police and especially the Special Branch remain potent political weapons in Britain.

We have seen the tactics used by the state and those that control it up to 1832. They controlled a corrupt and unrepresentative political system through which they cynical used the ability to enact laws solely for their own advantage all the while using all and any method to suppress, frustrate and remove all opponents. The depths to which the elites sank to retain power knew no limits yet the history of Britain is presented with most of these facts omitted.

The near complete hijacking, save for the Bill of Rights, of the new United States by the same power that dominated Britain (and many other nations), the money power of capitalism, placed the new country in a precarious position.

Since then the rights and protections established to protect equality and freedom have been cynically abused to effect the whittling down of both. Parliamentary supremacy has been used to enact and impose unjust and wicked laws that seek to sanctify evil acts. The right to "due process" has been removed at both ends of the spectrum such that we can all now be fined without due process and innocent men languish in Guantanamo Bay Torture Camp.

The Predator

The history of oppression is matched by the history of resistance just as, unfortunately, the history of hope is matched by the history of repression. We are driven to ask ourselves how it is that the ruling elite of every age use the same tactics to retain and expand their power. Many might point to conspiracy but such a conspiracy would have to be multigenerational and of extraordinary complexity. There is a far simpler yet more terrifying explanation, it is the explanation given by biology, that ordinary people are subject to the power of a predator.

This predator was described, in part by Carlos Castaneda:-

I want to appeal to your analytical mind. Think for a moment, and tell me how you would explain the contradictions between the intelligence of man the engineer and the stupidity of his systems of beliefs, or the stupidity of his contradictory behavior. Sorcerers believe that the predators have given us our systems of belief, our ideas of good and evil, our social mores. They are the ones who set up our hopes and expectations and dreams of success of failure. They have give us covetousness, greed, and cowardice. It is the predators who make us complacent, routinary, and egomaniacal.

'But how can they do this, don Juan?' I asked, somehow angered further by what he was saying. 'Do they whisper all that in our ears while we are asleep?'

'No, they don't do it that way. That's idiotic!' don Juan said, smiling. 'They are infinitely more efficient and organized than that. In order to keep us obedient and meek and weak, the predators engaged themselves in a stupendous maneuver - stupendous, of course, from the point of view of a fighting strategist. A horrendous maneuver from the point of view of those who suffer it. They gave us their mind! Do you hear me? The predators give us their mind, which becomes our mind. The predators' mind is baroque, contradictory, morose, filled with the fear of being discovered any minute now.

'I know that even though you have never suffered hunger... you have food anxiety, which is none other than the anxiety of the predator who fears that any moment now its maneuver is going to be uncovered and food is going to be denied. Through the mind, which, after all, is their mind, the predators inject into the lives of human beings whatever is convenient for them. And they ensure, in this manner, a degree of security to act as a buffer against their fear. ...

What I'm saying is that what we have against us is not a simple predator. It is very smart, and organized. It follows a methodical system to render us useless. Man, the magical being that he is destined to be, is no longer magical. He's an average piece of meat. There are no more dreams for man but the dreams of an animal who is being raised to become a piece of meat: trite, conventional, imbecilic.
Our predator is the psychopath, a being that appears to be human but isn't; a being that can mimic every aspect of human behaviour yet has none of the emotions nor conscience of a normal human, a being that has an incredible knowledge of the inner workings of normal people such that it can predict our every move and manipulate us at will.

History become less of an enigma when we understand that those that rise to power and those that enforce that power have the same mind, the mind that is "baroque, contradictory, morose, filled with the fear of being discovered any minute now". It is that fear that drives the brutality we see through history for the predator sees any concession as weakness and any weakness as the beginning of its discovery and ultimate destruction. When we see power acting in the brutal and paranoid way that we have examined in these excepts from history we can now know that we are dealing with the predator, the psychopath, in all its terrifying reality.

Just as a religion can be judged by the level of brutality used to enforce it so can an economic system. It is clear from the pages of history that capitalism has fought the ideals of man for equality and freedom at every step. Very few, if any of us have any conception of the precariousness of life during the crucial periods in history when men and women stood against the tyranny of unjust rulers. We have no way of reliving the lives of the Levellers, the proponents of the English Bill of Rights, the American Revolutionaries, the Luddites, the Chartists or the thousands who have opposed tyranny and particularly the tyranny of capitalism throughout the world. It is however essential that we develop our empathy for these people for their struggle and suffering enabled us to benefit from our relative freedoms, before 911 that is.

It is now incumbent upon us to go further and gather their spirit of resistance and learn from the lessons that they have left us. We are at war, we did not declare the war nor did we seek it, it is a war that has been thrust upon us. It is not the "War on Terror' it is the War of Terror waged by the elite of the capitalist system upon us all. Today's ruling elite are the successors of the rulers that hounded John Lilburne to an early death at 42, that perpetrated the great theft of Enclosure, that enacted and enforced laws that forbade ordinary people to gather and form associations, that executed and transported Luddites and Chartists and established our modern system of policing and laws to protect, not society as they loudly claim, but their own narrow economic interests.

With the benefit of history we cannot now stand and claim surprise at the economic collapse that we see taking place, almost in slow motion as in 1929, while the thieves pull off another massive heist of the people no less audacious than Enclosure. What is incredible is that unlike in the past there has yet to be any resistance, or at least any sufficient enough to blast through the wall of lies that passes for modern news. The reasons behind this apparent lack of resistance need to be examined for the lethargy of the bulk of people does not bode well for the survival of any kind of freedom nor for the creation of an economic order based on anything other than exploitation supported by the use and threat of state violence.

The lessons of history point to the nature of our adversary and the methods that are used to suppress those that seek a different order. It is clear that armed rebellion, while arguably entirely legitimate will do nothing other than spread bloodshed and suffering. It is also clear that new peaceful methods of change need to be found, methods that acknowledge the true nature of the war in which we find ourselves.

To be continued....

********

[1] This wording differs from the 1297 wording which states, "No Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseised of his Freehold, or Liberties, or free Customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any other wise destroyed; nor will We not pass upon him, nor [condemn him,] but by lawful judgment of his Peers, or by the Law of the Land. We will sell to no man, we will not deny or defer to any man either Justice or Right."
[2] Statute Law Revision Act 1863
[3] Civil Procedure Acts Repeal Act 1879
[4] Administrations of Estates Act 1925
[5] Statute Law Revision Act 1948
[6] Criminal Law Act 1967
[7] Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1969
[8] Magna Carta 1297
[9] John Lingard, A History of England
[10] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diggers
[11] M.L.Wilson, Democracy has Roots
[12] Radzinowicz, A History of English Criminal Law
[13] E.P Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class

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Tuesday, December 02, 2008

State Sanctioned Theft - When Immorality is Law and Resistance is Crime

By Simon Davies and Donald Hunt
SOTT.net

World stock indexes rebounded strongly last week. The Dow and the Hang Seng were up nearly 10%, the FTSE and DAX were up 13% and the Brazilian Bovespa was up a whopping 17%. Gold pushed passed $800.

In the U.S. retailers reported a better than feared "Black Friday," with sales rising 3% compared to the previous year, although discounts were deep and profit margins low. Black Friday refers to the Friday after the Thanksgiving holiday. It is both the traditional start of the Christmas shopping season and the day that retailers start to make their profits for the year. In recent years it has become a bigger and bigger thing, with families waiting in line outside big box stores and malls the night before waiting to get let in at five in the morning, lured by steep discounts on a few big ticket items. This year with the bad economy it got completely out of hand as a Walmart employee was trampled to death in Long Island when the crowds were let in.

These reports contrast with the predicament of one in ten Americans in nearly half the states who are now relying on food stamps.

The people of Iceland are also in dire straits. The entire banking system has collapsed, Britain has used anti-terror laws to freeze assets and force restitution; the currency has devalued by half, the economy shrunk by 15% causing companies to go bust everyday with thousands of job losses. Naturally the people are calling for a revolution.

In a notionally "free market" system, banks that find themselves in trouble should not be bailed out but allowed to fail - that is what happens to ordinary people, we are never bailed out we become bankrupt with all the attendant horrors of that status. So why is there so much government hand wringing when banks hits the wall? There is a simple solution to this, that there are banks and other corporations that are deemed "too big to fail" which in fact should be allowed to fail and then be broken up and never allowed to rise again. If there were no banks or companies "too big to fail" then bankers would be forced to retain the risk they accumulate as well as the profits. In the current situation that would mean that banks would fail or at least be taken into managed liquidation or administration. This could be achieved and the citizen protected at costs certainly no greater than the current bailouts. But don't expect to see anything so radical on the agenda anytime soon.

Yet, as we discussed last week, it seems that exactly the contrary is likely to arise from the New Bretton Woods system of mega-banks. Many commentators and certainly many US voters have high hopes that Barack Obama is a man who can bring change, who perhaps might even be a "New Dealer" treading in the footsteps of FDR. If Obama really was to implement changes then, like FDR, he will have to break up the 'Great Trusts" starting with the banks.

According to Michael Hudson, all the bailouts to date have been designed to protect claims by the super-wealthy on the surpluses generated by the rest of us. Bad debts are being kept on the books, but they are being transferred in the U.S. to the Treasury and the Fed. Meanwhile, the government's pension fund that insures what private pensions are left, is not being bailed out; and the auto industry is being pushed into bankruptcy precisely so that it can renege on its pension commitments to its workers. Someone is clearly out to get us.

Reality had to raise its ugly head. Barack Obama was elected with overwhelming approval to inaugurate an era of change. And at his November 25th press conference, he said that his decisive victory gave him a mandate to change the direction in which America is moving. But his recent economic and foreign policy appointments make it clear that when he chose "change" as his campaign slogan, he was NOT referring to the financial, insurance and real estate (FIRE) sectors, nor to foreign policy. These are where the vested interests concentrate their wealth and power. And change already has been accelerating here. Unfortunately, its direction has been for the top 1% of America's population to raise their share of the returns to wealth from 37% ten years ago to 57% five years ago and an estimated nearly 70% today.

The change that Mr. Obama is talking about is largely marginal to this wealth, not touching its economic substance - or its direction. No doubt he will bring about a welcome change in race relations, environmental regulations, and a more civil rule of law. And he probably will give wage earners an income-tax break (thereby enabling them to keep on paying their bank debts, incidentally). As for the rich, they prefer not to earn income in the first place. Taxes need to be paid on income, so they take their returns in the form of capital gains. And simply avoiding losses is the order of the day in the present meltdown.

Where losses cannot be avoided, the government will bail out the rich on their financial investments, but not wage earners on their debts...

If you are a billionaire, your first concern is simply to preserve your wealth, to avoid having to take a loss in the value of your financial claims on the economy - claims for repayment of loans and investment, as well as interest and dividends, and enough capital gains to compensate for the price inflation that erodes the spending power of more lowly income-earners.

This year has changed the typical fate of financial wealth in the face of bursting financial bubbles. Traditionally, business booms culminate in a wave of bankruptcies that wipe out bad debts - and the savings that have been invested on the "asset" side of the balance sheet. This year has changed all that. The bad debts are being kept on the books - but transferred from the banks to the federal government, mainly the Federal Reserve and Treasury. The bank bailouts have aimed not so much to protect the banks themselves, but to enable them to pay off on the bad bets they made vis-à-vis the nation's hedge funds and other institutional investors in the derivatives market.

To participate in a hedge fund, one needs to prove that one can afford to lose their money and not be much the worse off for it in terms of actual living conditions. So the $306 billion in federal guarantees of the junk mortgage packages sold by Citibank, and the $135 billion bailout of the insurance contracts written by A.I.G. to protect swap contracts from loss, could have been avoided without much impact on the "real" economy.

In fact, writing down these financial claims ON the economy would have paved the way for writing down its debt burden. If the subprime and other mortgage debts had been permitted to decline to the neighborhood of 22 cents on a dollar they were trading for, this would have made it possible to write down debts to match the price at which mortgage holders had bought these loans for. But the financial overhead of American wealth "saved" in the form of creditor claims on indebted homeowners, industrial companies and junk-insurance companies such as A.I.G. has been protected against erosion by this year's federal bailout program.

Bloomberg has added up these programs and finds that they $7.7 trillion dollars - nearly half an entire year's GDP. By acting to support the market for bad-mortgage loans (but not for real estate itself), the seemingly endless series of Paulson bailouts seeks to keep today's debt overhead intact rather than writing it down. Service charges on this indebtedness will divert peoples' income from consumption to paying creditors. It will help financial investors, not labor or industry. It will keep the cost of living and doing business high, preventing the U.S. economy from working its way out of debt by becoming competitive once again.

With all these trillions of dollars of bailing out the wealthy, one might easily forget to ask what is being left out. For one thing, the government's Pension Benefit Guarantee Corp, whose $25 billion deficit is not bailed out. This year, underfunded corporate pension plans are supposed to "catch up" to full funding so as to protect the PBGC, in accordance with a law passed by Congress two years ago. If underfunded plans don't meet the scheduled 92% coverage for this year, they have to bring their set-asides fully up to the 100% funding level. The stock market plunge has dashed their hopes to do this. The result will be to force many industrial companies into a financial bind.

On the auto front, the Bush Administration has brought pressure to force the big three Detroit companies into bankruptcy as a way to annul their defined-benefit pension plans - with no plans at all bail out money owed to labor by restoring the PBGC to solvency. State and local pension plans are almost entirely unfunded, and are at even more risk as their tax revenues plunge and property tax payments are stopped on housing and commercial buildings that have foreclosed.
All this bailing out of the owners of the FIRE (Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate) sector will most likely effectively bankrupt governments under the current system. Indeed, this is probably one of the main reasons it is being done. Governments will be bankrupt and the biggest financial institutions, those "too big to fail", will have even more control; currencies will collapse from accelerating inflation all conveniently paving the way for the introduction of a new monetary system and a new form of money. As Rob Lee writes,
By the end of next year the US may have near zero interest rates, a fiscal deficit of 8% of GDP or more, and a chronically weak currency. This is a classic recipe for inflation. It is a myth that a weak economy necessarily means low inflation, especially if the size and role of government are expanding. Company failures and low investment weaken the supply side of the economy but improve pricing power for the survivors. Once the credibility of the currency and policy has gone people and businesses seek to protect themselves in real assets. Inflation can rise then very rapidly even in a weak economy.
It may be no coincidence that the only major country not preparing a massive bailout is the one most scarred by memories of hyperinflation, Germany. With banking economists calling for dramatic fiscal stimuli throughout the OECD, "China has announced a stimulus package worth 4 trillion yuan, or roughly $586 billion; Tokyo plans a stimulus worth 5 trillion yen ($53 billion), though it plans only to submit the extra budget to parliament in the new year; Washington has spent or committed trillions of dollars and is expected to come up with another big package -- some economists believe it may be worth upwards of $400 billion -- as soon as President-elect Barack Obama takes over in January and the European Commission has proposed that the 27-country European Union come up with an EU-wide package worth 200 billion euros, or 1.5 percent of EU gross domestic product.

German resistance

German resistance is of course being portrayed by the media as Chancellor Angela Merkel making a big mistake. Merkel says she does not want to get into a "race for billions", but is being accused of not "pulling its weight", a "lack of vision, lack of leadership, and a temptation to free-ride that, if widely mimicked, would truly condemn the world economy to a new great depression"

What is fascinating is to see the economists trying to drive Germany into a corner; Jim O'Neill, chief economist at Goldman Sachs, notes that domestic consumption in export-dependent Germany has barely budged in what will soon be 20 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall. And that is something that should change. "Europe's largest economy should do itself and the rest of the world a favor by raising wages, reducing sales tax, and thereby supporting higher levels of consumption", O'Neill argued in an article in the London Financial Times. O'Neill is of course pressing the Wall Street line that wishes to see every country fall within the trap of a rescue and stimulus package of the type slowly closing around other nations. Maybe Germany has learned from its experiences, not the least of which was the Weimar Republic, and is trying to chart an independent course.

In the United States, much of the bailout activity has been out of the news lately. Remember early in the process where the U.S. Federal Reserve announced that it would lend to institutions besides the banks it usually lent to? We haven't heard much about that lately. But Bill Buckler in his Privateer newsletter reminds us of what has been happening:

We live in astonishing financial times. In its latest reports, the US Fed has let it be known that total Fed lending has climbed above $2 trillion for the first time. That is a rise of 140 percent - or $1.172 trillion - in seven weeks!! The total includes a $788 Billion increase in loans to banks through the Fed and another $474 Billion in other lending, mostly through the central bank's purchase of Fannie and Freddie bonds. Here comes the problem. The Fed has refused to identify the recipients of almost $2 trillion of emergency loans and what the Fed has accepted as collateral!

Bloomberg has sued the Fed under the US Freedom of Information Act, trying to get this information, but the issue is stuck in Federal Court. Somebody out there got this $2 trillion from the Fed but they are not talking. The Fed, in turn, got some financial paper as collateral, but it won't say what it is.
Amid all the money flying around the near collapse of the settlement system for US Treasuries has hardly merited a comment, yet it does not auger well for the future. It is certainly an interesting development when we consider that Timothy Geithner, the next US Treasury Secretary, is chairman of the Bank for International Settlements Committee on Payment and Settlement systems.

The Markets

The markets this week
Previous week's close This week's close Change% change
Gold ($) 791.80819.0027.203.44%
Gold (€)628.96645.5916.632.64%
Oil ($) 49.9354.434.509.01%
Oil (€)39.6642.913.248.18%
Gold:Oil15.8615.050.815.12%
$ / €0.7943 / 1.25890.7883 / 1.2686 0.006 / 0.00970.76% / 0.77%
$ / ₤0.6700 / 1.49250.6507 / 1.5368 0.0193 / 0.0443 2.88% / 2.97%
$ / ¥95.938 / 0.0104 95.400 / 0.0105 0.538 / 0.00010.56% / 0.56%
DOW8,0468,8297839.73%
FTSE3,7814,28850713.41%
DAX4,1274,66954213.13%
NIKKEI7,9118,5126017.60%
BOVESPA31,25136,5965,34517.10%
HANG SENG 12,65913,8881,2299.71%
US Fed Funds 0.50%0.50%0.000.00%
$ 3month 0.01%0.04%0.03300%
$ 10 year 3.20%2.92%0.288.75%


Equality and Freedom

We've been harping on about Capitalism or rather Free Market Capitalism for a while now yet there is more ground to cover. We have all known nothing but two dominant creeds our entire lives, Capitalism and the other charade Soviet 'Communism'. Both are hollow lies, both concentrate wealth and power in the hands of a small minority, both are fundamentally based on theft.

Let us now go back to some roots, to some basic ideas and to some history. Unless you are an adherent of an elitist or racist creed you will agree that we are all born equal, at least in terms of our civil rights. You will also agree that all people should be free. Quite what we mean by "equal" and "free" has been a matter of debate since before Plato. We have broad conceptions that arise within us of "equality" and "freedom" yet when we seek to define how this "equality" or "freedom" might manifest in the material world we encounter disagreement in understanding and precious little implementation. We regard ourselves as being born equal while we are also born with differing attributes which lead us to wish for different 'things' in life, we are born with differing skills that determine what we can put into life. We are born with differences that will determine what we can do with life but these differences do not detract from the fundamental principle that we are all equally entitled to civil and human rights.

When we look around us however, we find precious little evidence to suggest any true equality. We don't mean the fallacious 'equality' that so many organisations campaign for today for what is the benefit of gaining the rights to be a wage slave, to be taxed or to have a meaningless vote. "Freedom" has become a sick joke for we are all prisoners while our jailers laugh all the way to the bank, literally.

We have fine phrases such as "equal before the law" yet we have ample evidence that we are certainly not equal before the law, for otherwise George Bush, Dick Cheney, Tony Blair and thousands of others would be on trial for crimes against humanity. The reality is that we are subject to innumerable laws that restrict us, fine us and otherwise impose upon us for simply trying to live.

In the UK there are fines for leaving the lid of a trash can open, for putting that trash can in the wrong place or leaving it too early for collection, there are speed cameras everywhere, parking fines abound, whatever a resident of that island seeks to do they will find themselves bound by laws at every turn. Yet the people of Britain believe themselves to be free.

Douglas Reed was a noted British journalist and author who became the subject of a vicious smear campaign because he had the temerity to point out the obvious; that there are dark forces at work in the affairs of man who have as their avowed aims the destruction of all that people of conscience hold dear, the enslavement of the planet and all who dwell upon it and the imposition of their godless and faceless rule. He wrote extensively of what he saw taking place around him in the 1930s, 40s and 50s and told it as he saw it in his books, Insanity Fair, From Smoke to Smother, Lest We Regret and Controversy of Zion to name but four. In 1943 in Lest We Regret he described freedom:-
Freedom is a thing of innumerable facets, but split it, and it has but two halves. The first , ...though not the greatest of all, is a man's freedom to roam and know his own country, to enjoy and use a part of [his] native land. The second half is the greater half, because the first half rests on it. It is, freedom from wrongful arrest and wrongful imprisonment.
So it is to Britain, or rather England the "mother of parliaments", that we would like to turn because the roots of much of what we see around the world originated in that small country.

A brief history of resistance

In 1215 England was subject to an uprising among the nobles in a direct challenge to the absolute authority of the king. The upshot was the Magna Carta. The original document was significantly watered down in the years following its signing by King John with the notable exception of the writ of Habeas Corpus ("the fundamental instrument for safeguarding individual freedom against arbitrary and lawless state action."[1] ) which provided in due time the bedrock for that second half of freedom spoken of by Douglas Reed, "freedom from wrongful arrest and wrongful imprisonment". In the decades following Magna Carta the church and the nobility cemented certain freedoms for themselves while leaving the peasantry unrepresented and repressed; most often by the church and nobility themselves. Across Europe, on numerous occasions the peasantry, the common people, sought to wrest elements of freedom from their monarchs, the church and the nobility. The uprisings of the 14th, 15th and early 16th centuries arose from the unremitting pressure upon the poor who were excluded from any share in society or its wealth.

The reasons for these uprisings were those that have driven men to desperation throughout history for they speak of a desire for equality and freedom while labouring under conditions of great economic and social inequality. They are remarkably familiar:-

- The increasing gap between the wealthy and the poor due in great part to the wealth retained by the landed class, the nobility, and the new class of proto-capitalist, the merchant.

- Inflation driven by wars and currency devaluation [2] put pressure on the nobility who resorted to rent rises, theft and thuggery to steal more money from the poor.

- The monarchs and nobility raised taxes and tithes to finance both war and their own expenses.

- Amid this abuse of power there also arose the idea that inequality in property and wealth was against god, that there should be greater equality in society.
One of the most famous of the numerous revolts was the Peasants Revolt or Great Rising in England in 1381. Following the plagues of 1348/49 that ravaged England the shortage of labour gave the peasants some bargaining power which they endeavoured to use to improve their very poor lot. The response of the ruling elite of the time was to enact a law (Statute of Labourers, 1351) fixing wages at the pre-plague level and restricting the ability of peasants to travel. These laws were enforced with widespread severity which, combined with the wealth gap, inflation, taxation and the awakening of ideas of equality, led to the uprising in 1381.

The uprising was ended by the murder of its leaders who were meeting the King and his advisors for negotiations and were therefore subject to the ancient protections afforded to men in such situations and the tricking of the peasants through the outright lies of the King. The surviving leaders were executed.

The structure of land use and holding in England was based on ancient systems that neither the Romans nor the Normans had changed. The idea of title as we know it today did not exist; instead each person has rights and responsibilities relating to the land and those upon it whether they were the lord, the freeholder, the cottager, tenant farmer or squatter. The system gave men the ability to house and feed themselves and their family.

Despite all the inequality within England and the history of the separation of the ruling and ruled, there remained some elements of life based upon the concept of equality for all people had access to common land where they were free to gather wood, forage for food for their animals, and game for their own bellies. Think about that, a man born into poverty had an absolute right to live on common land, to gather fuel from that land and to gather food for himself and his animals and by extension for his family. He had no need to labour for somebody else nor for money for everything that he needed to survive could be found on the common land.

The taking of land through Enclosure prior to the English Civil War was open theft, the primary impediment to which was, strangely, the Star Chamber Court of the King. As the land was steadily stolen the ordinary people often resisted. History records their resistance as rebellion. In all cases the people failed in protection of their rights. The laws of England were used as the means by which theft was enforced, for resistance was grounds for violence against the resisters who were routinely killed while their leaders were hanged and quartered[3].

The merchant class were the first to accumulate capital in England until the Civil War (1642 - 1651) through trade, both domestic and foreign. A key commodity in this wealth creating trade was wool, the price of which rose steeply until the middle of the 17th century. It was this rise in wool prices that drove much of the theft of land so that the land could be used for raising sheep. Thus began an unholy alliance of greed between the ruling elite of the countryside and the merchants. During the war many rural communities took advantage of the weakening of the established order, particularly the fall of the estates of royalists, catholics and the church to recover what was rightfully theirs, namely access to and use of land and its resources of timber, grazing and food[4].

Following the Civil War, despite the illusion that men had fought for greater freedoms, the form of the modern repressive state, particularly the creation of a standing army, took shape and the repression of the ordinary people recommenced as land was steadily expropriated from the ordinary people to the ruling elite.

Two ideas

Two groups of ideas that shape our world today were coalescing during The Enlightenment. One set saw a grand vision of humanity while the other, in two parts, has proven to be absolute evil The former held that, "human beings are perfectible; the right structures of society, at the heart of which is representational government whose power derives from the consent of the governed, facilitate this continual evolution; reason is the means by which ordinary people can successfully rule themselves and attain liberty; the right to liberty is universal, God given, and part of a natural cosmic order, or "natural law"; as more and more people around the world claim their God-given right to liberty, tyranny and oppression will be pushed aside."[5]

The other group of ideas had two parts which were and remain bedfellows, Political Zionism and Communism, together better described by Douglas Reed as the Destructive Principle. The Destructive Prinicpal became publicly manifest in Adam Weishaupt, a German who founded the secret society the Order of the Illuminati in 1776; its avowed aim was the destruction of all nations, monarchs, religions, private property and marriage to bring a New World Order into existence. The creed of the Illuminati is pure psychopathology, a pure, unadulterated pathological evil promoted by a man who was undoubtedly a psychopath. We will be discussing this aspect further next week.

Enclosure - Grand Theft

At the very moment in history when some men's minds were turning to the potential for a better world, and others were turning to evil domination, the expropriation of land, through Enclosure, accelerated in England with arguments of this kind advanced to support the theft of land, "The use of common land by labourers operates upon the mind as a sort of independence ... when the commons are enclosed, the labourers will work every day in the year, their children will be put out to work early, and that subordination of the lower ranks, of society which in the present times is so much wanted, would be thereby considerably secured." More than half the cultivated land of England, before Enclosure, was farmed on the common-field system, and the landless farm labourer was hardly known in the villages of England.[6]

"About a fifth of the total acreage of England was enclosed between 1760 and 1840, and the old village community ... was broken up. Until that time, any man might hope, by his own labour, to acquire property and rise in his village. From that time, we inherit the most unhappy of beings, the landless farm labourer".[7] It is this landless labourer and his family, often then evicted as a further consequence of Enclosure, who became the factory workers of the Industrial Revolution, the men, women and children on whose immense suffering industrial capitalism was built.

Enclosure was justified as a means to improvement. The English countryside and the agriculture practiced on it was said to be in need of reform. The truth was that the expropriation of land from the ordinary people enabled a new form of industrialized agriculture to be practiced which greatly increased the profitability of farming and therefore the wealth of the ruling elite. The ordinary people were reduced to slaves on the land to which they held rights dating from the time of the Druids.

Not only was the theft justified but it was also legal. The process was simple, Douglas Reed again:-

...a petition to Parliament was made bearing the signature of one big landowner for authority to put a fence round some piece of land until then shared by all. The smallholder's only hope of succour was to reach and move the heart of a Parliament packed with great landowners and as distant from and daunting to himself as the Court of the Last Judgment.

In Parliament these petitions were laid before Committees of Members from the districts where Enclosure was proposed - the cronies of the petitioner! Often, petitions affecting the enclosure of thousands of acres, and the fate of hundreds of freemen, were rushed through in a week or two.

The manner in which a large part of England was taken from the many and enclosed by the few was simple and is staggering to look back on. Recent history contains nothing to compare with it. A petition was 'accepted'; that is, the petitioner's friends in Parliament passed it for him. Then, Commissioners, who were appointed by the Enclosers even before they presented their petition to Parliament and were often the lord of the manor's own bailiffs, arrived to put a fence round that 'certain proportion of the land which has been assigned to the lord of the manor in virtue of his rights and the owner of the tithes'. The power of the Commissioners was absolute. This happened in the England in which Pitt was Prime Minister, who declared 'it is the boast of the law of England that it affords equal security and protection to the high and low, the rich and poor'.
That last sentence quoting an English Prime Minister of 200 years ago might just as well have been made today for the same mendacity walks the corridors of power today as walked it then.

The Parliament of the day was a parliament of landlords elected in a corrupt system, many of them being 'elected' through the rotten and pocket boroughs under which, at one point, half (about 200) the members of the House of Commons were elected by just 153 voters (yes, some voters could elect more than one member). Under such a system it is no wonder that the petitions of the ordinary people against the theft of their land rights were buried. Those that resisted were treated as common criminals. Many emigrated while those that stayed became subject to increasingly severe laws against trespass and poaching. At the time when Englishmen, told that they would be enslaved if Napoleon landed in England, fought at Waterloo, "Parliament fixed the penalties for poaching at hard labour, flogging, or transportation. In the year following Waterloo ... a Bill went through Parliament, without debate, which imposed the maximum penalty of transportation for seven years on any person found unarmed but with a net for poaching in enclosed land; and in some of the subsequent years one in seven of all criminal convictions in England were convictions under these Game Laws!"[8]

Not only were the elected members of the House of Commons the landlords and merchants benefiting from the system of legalised robbery but the second house of parliament, the House of Lords, was the shrine of entrenched rights of nobility while the civil administration officials pocketed about £120,000 in fees in fourteen years for assisting the Enclosure Bills through the "legal process". What hope did the ordinary people have?

William Cobbett

There was spirited resistance. William Cobbett was a political activist and journalist who campaigned for political reform in England. Way before his time, he was man who understood the terrible condition of "dense dependent populations incapable of finding their own food, the toppling triumph of machines over men, the sprawling omnipotence of financiers over patriots, the herding of humanity in nomadic masses whose very homes are homeless, the terrible necessity of peace and the terrible probability of war, all the loading up of our little island like a sinking ship; the wealth that may mean famine, and the culture that may mean despair; the bread of Midas and the sword of Damocles. In a word, he saw what we see, but he saw it before it had arrived. Many today cannot see it - even when it is all around them."[9]

The life of William Cobbett is instructive for it exemplifies many aspects of oppression which we seek to shine a light upon today. Cobbett was a moral man who gave his whole life to the battle for those two vital objectives: the freedom of the land, and freedom from wrongful imprisonment. It may not mean much to a modern city dweller, or even perhaps to those who live in the countryside but do not work the land, what an immense loss the loss of ones land is. It is the removal of everything in one go; home, possession, security, income, inheritance and culture. For these English men, women and children dispossessed of everything they knew there was no choice other than to become a member of the new proletariat, depending for subsistence on selling their labour for wages, whether in the city or on the land.

Douglas Reed said this about William Cobbett, "He fought for [freedom] in England, in France during the French Revolution, in America just after the American Revolution, and again in England. ..... he was wooed by a Tory government and offered the editorship of a government newspaper so that he might, for a comfortable salary, laud all that was done by authority and lampoon all who protested."

"He refused, and began to publish the weekly Political Register [in 1802], the most famous independent journal of the next thirty-five years. Sometimes the politicians, sometimes the mob, attacked him. He was fined for criticizing the Government's treatment of Ireland. His windows were smashed."

By 1806 he was a Radical, a vocal proponent of political reform. In 1810 he "angrily protested against the public flogging of British soldiers under a guard of German mercenaries."[10] He was found guilty of treasonous libel, fined a thousand pounds and imprisoned for two years in the infamous Newgate Gaol. In prison, and after he came out, he continued to write, for another seven years, as a fierce and independent critic who could neither be corrupted nor cowed. Notably, he wrote the pamphlet, Paper against Gold warning of the dangers of paper money.

The government, seeking to limit the access of people to news and radical opinion and to generally suppress independent newspapers, heavily taxed all newspapers. This limited circulation of the Political Register so Cobbett changed it from a newspaper to a pamphlet to avoid these taxes. Circulation jumped from just over a thousand to about forty thousand copies a week thus becoming the main journal of the educated working class.

The government, frightened of this voice for change, schemed to charge him with sedition[11] by passing the Power of Imprisonment Act 1817. This act suspended the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679, itself based upon rights enshrined in the Magna Carta. Cobbett fled to America.

England's fight for supremacy against Napoleon in the years leading up to the Battle of Waterloo (1815) had left its finances in a parlous state; Enclosure was proceeding apace, cities and the attendant factories were expanding, the condition of the ordinary people, those people that had "fought for freedom" against Napoleon, was abysmal. The Corn Laws, a tax on imported food, kept food prices high with the inevitable consequences on the ordinary people. In this climate grew an increasing clamour for change, known then as the Radical Movement. The Radicals sought electoral reform and universal sufferage. This made them the enemies of the entrenched order, of the ruling elite, who reacted with ever increasing repression.

The Peterloo Massacre

In August 1819, between sixty thousand and eighty thousand workers, well dressed, highly disciplined and orderly gathered for a meeting in St Peter's Field in Manchester. The authorities arrayed against these peaceful workers 600 elite cavalry, 800 infantrymen, 2 six-pounder artillery guns, 400 militiamen, 400 special police and 120 militia cavalry.

In an attempt to stop the speech of Henry Hunt a famous radical speaker, the militia cavalry rode into the crowd. The ensuing confusion has been used to excuse what happened next but the simple truth is that the crowd was attacked from two sides simultaneously. On one side they were charged by the 600 elite cavalry with sabers drawn while on another by the infantry militia, their only escape route was blocked by the 800 infantrymen.

It is remarkable that only 11 to 15 people died with up to 700 injured. Not content with the slaughter many factory owners fired anybody associated with the meeting while stories abound of the wounded being refused treatment. Women were not spared despite often being dressed in white; of the official 658 casulaties, 168 were women of whom 4 died. The rioting that followed the massacre was used to justify the carnage.

However, unlike other confrontations in this era, there were professional reporters present who faithfully recorded what they saw, they called the event the Peterloo Massacre. This meant that the government was unable to effect a cover up. Despite this, in familiar fashion, the government reaction was even more repression. The speakers and organizers were tried for sedition and jailed. None of the professional soldiers were tried with just four of the militia men tried all of whom were acquitted.

Within one month of reconvening after the massacre parliament passed the Six Acts which treated any political meeting not approved of by the established order as an overt act of treasonable conspiracy. These Acts made meetings of 50 or more subject to license if the meeting was to discuss matters of "church or state" and limited attendees to locals only, thus preventing radical speakers from touring; seditious writing became punishable by fourteen years transportation, essentially a life sentence in Australia; newspaper taxes were increased and broadened to include pamphlets expressing opinions, publishers were required to post a bond; ownership of weapons by the working classes was banned, powers of search, seizure and arrest were granted to magistrates.

As we discussed with regard to the modern Circles of Power, Tony Bunyan summarised with respect to similar circles then, "the ruling class was not monolithic, but comprised several competing and complementary factions. These factions were the merchants, the agricultural capitalists, the small manufacturers and the new industrial [capitalists]. In this period of competitive capitalism it was the merchants and the landed aristocracy who effectively controlled parliament and the state."

"Only later, in the 1830s, when industrial capital became dominant in the economic field, did the [industrial capitalists] begin to challenge the other factions for state power. It was during this struggle between the competing [capitalists] in the 18th and 19th centuries that the foundations of liberal democracy emerged (well prior to an equal voice being accorded to labour). The ideas of neutrality of the state and its institutions were fashioned in this period, less for reasons of democracy than as a means of arbitrating between the warring capitalist factions and combating working class demands."

"In the latter part of the [19th century] capitalism began to move from competitive to the monopoly stage and the twin pillars of its current foundation emerged. One was monopolistic industrial capital and the other centralized bank capital." [12]

Lessons from History

The dreadful history of the ordinary Englishman up until today stands as a testament to the true condition of ordinary people on this planet. The story, which we must leave for the moment, continues with a slow rise in the relative power of ordinary people in England. But it was a rise that was quickly ponerised and misdirected by the same forces that Adam Weishaupt gathered together in his Order of the Illuminati. The ordinary people realised in due course that they held real power but by the time they came to exercise it they themselves had become subject to the thrall and dominance of that great evil, the psychopath, and its attended destruction of good and propagation of evil.

As ordinary people approached the time when they might gain real power under the existing systems the systems changed to move the seats of power always away from them. The outward appearance has remained in the form of parliaments, of Congress, of the judiciary, the police, the military and the other institutions but these have been steadily corrupted and the real seats of power moved ever deeper into the shadows. The role of the intelligence agencies in this move is not to be underestimated.

One aspect of the modern story that we should mention now is the continuation of the great theft that we have described above, Privatisation. Exactly the same argument was put forward for privatisation as for Enclosure, efficiency and improvement. We were told that it was impossible for state enterprises to make the changes necessary to 'modernise'. The fact that within a few short years private ownership achieved many great improvements is held out as proof of the original claim. But nothing could be further from the truth.

Either through their direct labour or indirectly through taxation, generations of our forebears had built the infrastructure, the assets and the systems that made the companies and corporations that provided transport, telephones, water, electricity and numerous other services and resources, many essential to life. With the arrival of Margaret Thatcher in the UK and Ronald Reagan in the US a wave of theft swept the economy. State owned enterprises, many natural monopolies providing essential public services, were packaged up and sold off.

The public were limited to acquiring a small percentage of each company while "professional investors" took the bulk. These professionals were of course the financial powerhouses of the world's financial centers who acquired these essential service companies for their own and their clients gain. Many companies have changed hands, some a number of times, since the original sale, often at many multiples of the original privatization price.

The services that are delivered have in some cases shown a marked improvement while in others they have steadily worsened. The simple truth is that governments could successfully have restructured the companies and made the much needed investments while retaining public ownership. It doesn't matter where you look, whether it is the sale of state housing or of state telecommunications, the tale is the same; the workers and public are far worse off in social as well as monetary terms as a result of privatization while the capitalist elite have made out like the bandits they are.

So you see, dear reader, that there is nothing new under the sun. The theft of our national heritage, our future and the future of our children through 25 years of the privatisation of the infrastructure that was built by our forebears and today through the pillaging of our governments in the form of bank and other corporate bailouts is just another page in the sad annals of history that record, for those prepared to look, the gradual theft of our property, our equality and our liberty. Our rulers have always justified their actions as "improvements" or for our own good while the moral crimes they have committed have been sanctified by the laws that they themselves enact all the while criminalizing resistance to them.

The economic situation we see around us today is no different from the theft of land under the Enclosures. We are bound by laws written by people whose principle motives have been and remain the continuation of the current order from which they and their masters profit; these laws therefore stand not as the bedrock of a just society but as the walls of our prison. Modern law seeks to protect the ruling elites as much today as the laws of historical England, many of which remain in place, protected the thieves of Enclosure. These laws protect our modern thieves and abusers because they have been written by them.

The myriad laws passed under the modern banner of terrorism are not aimed at real terrorists but at us, the ordinary people, while being written by those very forces that we know control and direct the terrorism that they claim to be protecting us from. Just as at 'Peterloo' when we take our displeasure on to the streets we are attacked by armed police for the simple act of holding and expressing views contrary to the established order. In fact we can easily be attacked by the thugs of state in simply going about our daily lives; a fact especially true the poorer a person is.

Today we find ourselves surrounded by the institutions of states built upon principles of theft standing on pillars of law enacted for our repression. We are surrounded by intelligence agencies that track us, watch us and listen to us. We are ensnared in a web of laws that encroach upon our communications and our thoughts. Resistance to the established order, just as in the time of transportation for protecting ones land rights, is punishable with the full weight of the law; a law that is as despotic today as the law of transportation was in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Since 1969 just three clauses of the Magna Carta remain in force in Britain.

Habeas Corpus has been suspended in the US for those that resist the empire, under the Military Commissions Act of 2006. The Habeas Corpus Restoration Act of 2007 which aimed to overturn the Military Commissions Act 2006 was filibustered by Republicans in the Senate and therefore never became law.

Habeas Corpus has been suspended in the UK, as in the US, under the guise of protecting us from terrorism. There is unrelenting pressure in Britain to allow the government to detain anyone it chooses for increasingly long periods without trial and without representation. It should not be forgotten that Britain and the US both have ignominious histories of detaining people without trial for long periods; in the US, the Japanese, in the UK, the Irish.

Whenever Habeas Corpus is suspended we should see it for what it is - the tolling of the bell for freedom. We find ourselves today much as those hapless English found themselves centuries ago; we have been disenfranchised; we are having our "land" in the form of homes, jobs, security, income and inheritance taken from us even as you read this; and we have lost our rights to privacy and to protection from wrongful arrest and imprisonment. We face forces arrayed against us as formidable as any known in history; forces that are preparing, just as those who have come before, to use every tool of repression available to keep us subservient, to keep us ignorant, divided and confused, thereby ensuring our political and economic impotence.

To be continued....

*******

1. Harris v. Nelson, 394 U.S. 286, 290-91 (1969).
2. eg. The Great Debasement of English coin by Henry VIII coupled with inflows of bullion from the New World.
3. Newton Rebellion, June 8th 1608
4. One aspect of the war that has remained cloaked form public attention is the horror visited upon Ireland where Cromwell's New Model Army, the first professional army of modern European history, and those friends of all wars, disease and starvation, were responsible for the death of forty percent of the population.
5. Naomi Wolf, Give me Liberty, 2008
6. Douglas Reed, Lest We Regret, 1943
7. Douglas Reed, op cit
8. Douglas Reed, op cit
9. G.K. Chesterton, William Cobbett, 1925
10. Douglas Reed, Lest We Regret
11. Conduct or language inciting rebellion against the authority of a state (American Heritage Dictionary)
12. Tony Bunyan, The Political Police in Britain, 1976

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